The full transcript of
the speech is below:
"Your Lordships will
need no reminding from
me of the present crisis
around credit in our
economy, indeed in the
global economy. Daily
headlines highlight the
effects of the 'credit
crunch' on average
incomes and home
prices. What they do
not always underline is
the disproportionate
effect of this on those
in our society who are
already most
disadvantaged – and in
particular the effects
on vulnerable families.
Even before the current
crisis, the situation
was disturbing enough.
The estimate that almost
one third of children in
the UK are living in
poverty is a statistic
that ought to be shouted
from the housetops: we
can applaud the declared
aim of the Government,
stated in 1999, to halve
child poverty by 2010,
but we have to recognise
that this goal is sadly
unlikely to be attained
on present showing. So
serious is the prospect
that over 45 major NGO's
are launching later this
year a national
campaign, 'Get Fair',
aimed at galvanising
once again the
commitment to end child
poverty by 2020, the
date originally set –
and at tackling the
negative and unjust
image of people living
in poverty that prevails
in a worryingly large
percentage of the
population.
One of the matters I
wish to underline in
this debate is that,
because of a variety of
problems around debt and
credit, children in
poverty are in fact
caught in a particularly
toxic version of the
'poverty trap': families
with children face
heavier pressures in
regard to basic
expenditure, pressures
that push their
outgoings beyond their
weekly income levels.
And this is not to do
with purchasing
luxuries: it is a matter
of school uniforms,
adequate diet and
heating in the home,
access to routine
leisure activities (how
much does it cost to
travel to the nearest
swimming pool?) and so
on – never mind the
extra expectations
around Christmas or
birthdays. A recent
(2007) report
commissioned by
Barnardo's quoted
a mother facing a choice
in winter between
putting the fire on and
using the cooker to
prepare a meal.
Households using
pre-payment meters,
incidentally, are
generally reckoned as
'fuel-poor', (i.e.with
over 10% of household
income going on fuel)
because the expense of
this system is so much
greater than payment of
fuel bills by direct
debit – impossible if
you have no reliable
credit arrangements, of
course. The
Government's pledge to
tackle the issue of fuel
poverty in the recent
Budget is a welcome if
overdue recognition of
the scale of this
problem.
The results of living in
such a trap are
long-term. The
Children's Society's
Good Childhood Inquiry,
of which I have the
honour to be patron, has
tabulated evidence of
the outcomes in
adolescence and early
adulthood of child
poverty, including a
lower likelihood of
planning to marry, and a
belief that health was a
matter of luck – unhappy
auguries for the
stability and welfare of
the next generation.
But the more immediate
consequence of
situations like this is
that such families are
far more likely to
resort to borrowing, and
to what might be called
'panic borrowing' – that
is resorting to whatever
means of credit they can
discover, by word of
mouth or advertisement.
If they then borrow from
'doorstep lenders', even
relatively reputable
companies (and there are
plenty of others) will
impose interest levels
whose impact is
crippling. The cycle of
financial deprivation
and anxiety is continued
and the
vulnerability of
children in such a
family situation is
intensified.
It is not surprising
that – to use figures
extrapolated from a Bank
of England report on
Financial Pressures
some few years ago and
circulated by Church
Action on Poverty –
households with an
income of less than
£12,000 have unsecured
debts corresponding to
an average 36% of this
income (the figure for
households with over
£50,000 income is a
little over 12%). These
percentages have
increased dramatically
for low-income families
in the last decade, more
than doubling for the
lowest sector. Apart
from the bare fact of
chronic financial
insecurity, the effect
in terms of mental
health is increasingly
serious. There is still
a stigma attached to
unsecured debt in any
case; being caught in
the spiral of
indebtedness produces
depression and
demoralisation, stress
on relationships and on
consistent and
responsible parenting,
with an intensified risk
of so many of those
things which we
currently spend millions
of pounds trying to
eradicate –
underachievement in
schools, teenage
pregnancy, lack of
motivation in relation
to work and self-care.
The marriage guidance
organisation, Relate,
notes that money worries
are one of the primary
factors in relationship
breakdown, and the
award-winning charity,
Christians
Against Poverty
report that one in three
of their clients have
considered suicide
before approaching them
for help. The impact of
debt is enormous in
these respects and we
badly need more joined
–up thinking that can
factor into our response
to debt an awareness of
costs to the NHS, the
education services and
overall productivity.
Some of Your Lordships
may not be familiar with
the world of doorstep
credit, in which charges
of more than 1,000% are
not unknown. The
rapidly expanding system
of payday lending, where
a customer in employment
is encouraged to write a
cheque or more often a
number of cheques
postdated to the
next payday and is given
a cash advance on a
certain proportion
(perhaps 7 or 8 %) of
the sum, the remainder
being treated as a fee,
traps the borrower in a
spiral of debt as the
arrangement is 'rolled
over' into a new phase
if there are problems
with repayment. The
initial debt remains,
augmented by soaring
charges and the
mortgaging of all income
for long periods ahead.
For those without bank
accounts in the first
place, the pressure of
informal credit
arrangements is still
harsher. It is not
surprising that loan
companies are reporting
massive profits at the
moment.
What needs to be done?
The Church of England's
campaign, A Matter
of Life and Debt,
launched at the
beginning of this year,
has offered what has
been widely recognized
as a sane and practical
set of guidelines for
church members and the
wider public about
avoiding the worst traps
of the present
situation. But if we
ask what needs to
change, there are some
obvious proposals to
consider. The
campaigning association,
'Debt on our Doorstep',
led by Church Action on
Poverty, is pressing for
tighter regulation of
the lending market, with
a proper investigation
of payday lending and a
cap on charges. The
Consumer Credit
legislation of 2005
built helpfully on the
last review of practice
in this area by the DTI
and other agencies, but
shied away from a
ceiling on interest
rates. While there is
debate about the effects
of capping interest
rates in the world of
home credit, with some
arguing that it could
encourage unofficial
practice even worse than
what now prevails, there
is a growing consensus
that a situation in
which charges can
legally be as high as
they are in the world of
doorstep lending is
indefensible: it gives
the message that
borrowing is a business
in which you can only be
a long-term loser, and
so gives a further turn
to the despair and low
self-esteem that
afflicts those caught up
in the debt spiral. If
the historic sin of
usury still has any
meaning in the world of
smoke and mirrors that
our modern credit
economy seems to have
become, it is surely in
this context. And at
the very least, a
sharper regulation of
the terms and methods of
advertising for doorstep
credit, which at present
is often deliberately
unclear about charges
and rates of repayment,
would bring some checks
upon what is
increasingly seen as an
open scandal.
As I noted earlier, all
this has been true for
some years; in an
economic turndown, it is
likely to be far worse.
Hence the urgency I wish
to underline today. A
precarious economic
situation does not
impact equally upon rich
and poor; if banks are
forced to become more
restrictive about where
and with whom they
operate, it is those
whose access to credit
is already limited who
will feel it most
sharply. And within
that group, I have
argued, it is those who
have least control over
the circumstances in
which they live who will
suffer most – children
and vulnerable family
units without secure
income (particularly
households in which lone
women have the pivotal
financial
responsibility).
My Lords, there is a
twofold ethical concern
to hold in mind as we
consider what should be
recommended to meet this
challenge. Christian
morality undoubtedly
mandates the defence of
the vulnerable, and this
is central to any
society that claims any
residual loyalty to our
traditional ethic; but
it is also about the
equipping of people for
the exercise of their
human dignity as
citizens both of their
own societies and of the
City of God: St Paul in
Second Thessalonians
famously commends not
only generosity to the
poorest but also
responsibility on the
part of those who can
work to do so and to
support themselves and
their families. Giving
to others is part of a
process that enables
those others to grow in
their own dignity and to
become givers in their
turn. There is no
question of Christian
ethics idealising a
state of dependence. In
the time left to me, I
want to outline two
areas in which more
could be done to support
this positive goal of
drawing people out of
dependency.
The first is a matter
flagged by many
commentators. Young
people who have grown up
in a context where debt
is seen as a routine
thing – a perspective
which student loans have
reinforced – are likely
to be very ill-prepared
indeed to tackle the
challenges of family
budgeting or even
personal budgeting as
adults in a climate
where economic
fluctuations make their
reliance on credit a
highly risky affair.
There is an urgent case
for more support for
financial education in
schools and FE
institutions. Young
people are vulnerable to
considerable pressure –
sometimes from banks
themselves – to embark
on risky and costly
ventures into
borrowing. They need
skills in assessing
risks, in interpreting
borrowing conditions, in
factoring in to their
decisions some better
awareness of the
uncertainties of the
whole system. And this
needs to start early.
The present situation is
not good. It is
estimated by Credit
Action that less than 5%
of secondary schools in
this country give
anything like adequate
priority to education in
money management as part
of their citizenship and
PHSE curriculum.
Furthermore, as the
Commission chaired by
the noble Lord, my
fellow-townsman Lord
Griffiths of
Fforestfach
argued three years ago
in a very significant
document entitled
What Price Credit?,
lenders need to take
more active
responsibility for
educating borrowers.
The proposal that
lenders should routinely
'audit' letters and
information materials
sent out in their name,
using the independent
resources of a
recognised debt advice
charity, to ensure that
they are 'accurate, fair
and easy to understand',
deserves strong support.
But the second area I
should like Your
Lordships to consider is
how we support one of
the most effective
agencies we have in
reducing unmanageable
debt and developing the
skills that help people
avoid the worst traps of
the credit business. I
refer of course to
Credit Unions –
declaring an interest as
a member of the
Canterbury and District
Credit Union and a
former sponsor of a
national initiative in
Wales which brought
together the resources
of the Wales
Co-operative Centre and
the Anglican Church.
The work of Credit
Unions is still all too
little known in most of
the UK – though there
are 172,000,000 members
of unions worldwide,
with over a quarter of
the populations of the
US, Canada and Australia
being members. The
potential is enormous.
It is evident at the
simplest level in terms
of the financial burden
involved in the
arranging of a loan: the
Credit Union makes no
charges for arranging
this, includes loan
insurance at no extra
cost and has no
penalties for early
repayment. Even the
most reputable home
credit company will be
about a third more
expensive than a Credit
Union. Increasing
numbers of Unions
organise Child Trust
Funds and
ISAs, and provide
special Christmas
accounts to help prevent
seasonal debt. Some
have effective
partnerships with local
CABs and housing
associations, and there
is some highly
imaginative work through
schools to promote
financial literacy. The
Saving Gateway
initiative, piloted by
the UK Government and
due for a national
launch in 2010, allows
for matching
contributions to be
added to the savings of
low income members.
My Lords, the
encouragement of locally
based, entirely
trustworthy and
user-friendly,
educationally sensitive
and confidence-building
methods of managing debt
should be among
Government's highest
priorities in combating
the poverty traps I have
described. Many of Your
Lordships will be aware
that a review is under
way of legislation
around Credit Unions and
other co-operative
ventures, and it is much
to be hoped that fresh
legislation will bring
increased flexibility –
for example, enabling
Credit Unions to work
with corporate members
(small family
businesses, local
co-operative networks,
religious groups active
in community work and so
on), and also giving the
option to members of
paying interest on
continuing savings
retained in the Credit
Union rather than
receiving a dividend;
the latter would have an
enormously positive
impact on the further
development of Child
Trust funds and similar
arrangements. And a
broadening of the
definition of a 'common
bond' area to enable
services to be shared
across different
localities would help
these organisations to
move more effectively
into neighbourhoods
where there is no
accessible credit. All
these new liberties
might make the Credit
Union movement in due
course as significant a
presence in our credit
economy as it is
elsewhere – bearing in
mind also that the
pressures arising from
our current crisis will
not be exclusively a
matter of concern for
the poorest sectors of
our society.
My Lords, the causes of
poverty are many.
Setting aside the lazy
but persistent mythology
that blames all poor
people for their
poverty, the majority of
people in this country
who experience
deprivation and
disadvantage are caught
in events beyond their
control – and this is
manifestly true of
children. In
recognising the
destructive impact of
indebtedness upon such
people, we may find
ourselves asking harder
questions about the
sustainability of any
economy, global or
local, that depends
disproportionately on
endlessly spiralling
credit, detached from
the realities of
material ownership and
production. But
whatever our views on
these large and
contentious questions, I
would argue that we
should resolve on
specific, targeted
measures that will
protect those currently
so ill-protected against
the tyrannies of
doorstep credit, and
will also provide the
tools needed to reclaim
some skill and
competence in the
management of money and
resource, so that the
ongoing destructive
effects of economic
privation on the life of
families can be
arrested."
© Rowan Williams